> ՀՈԴՎԱԾՆԵՐ > ԹՈՒՐՔԱԿԱՆ ՇՈՒՇԱԲԱՆԴ` ՌՈՒՍԱԿԱՆ ԲԱԼԿՈՆՈ՞ՒՄ

ԹՈՒՐՔԱԿԱՆ ՇՈՒՇԱԲԱՆԴ` ՌՈՒՍԱԿԱՆ ԲԱԼԿՈՆՈ՞ՒՄ

ԵԱՀԿ ՄԽ համանախագահները հերթական անգամ տարածաշրջան են այցելել Ղարաբաղի հարցի կարգավորման պատուհան բացելու համար։ Ու չնայած մինչ այժմ բացված պատուհաններով կարելի էր մի մեծ կովկասյան շուշաբանդ սարքել, սա դեռ չի նշանակում, թե բանակցային գործընթացին պետք է անլուրջ վերաբերվել։ Եթե ոչ վերջնական, գոնե միջանկյալ հանգուցալուծում կարող է տեղի ունենալ ցանկացած պահի, որովհետեւ պրոցեսում ներգրավված կողմերի շահագրգռությունները գնալով ավելի ու ավելի են թանձրանում։ Հայաստանին օդ ու ջրի նման անհրաժեշտ է դառնում հայ-թուրքական սահմանի բացումը` տնտեսական գլոբալ փլուզումից խուսափելու համար, իսկ սահմանի բացման հարցը լուծելուց առաջ Թուրքիան Հայաստանին ցույց է տալիս ԼՂ հարցի կարգավորման բանակցային սեղանը։ Չնայած` ինքը Թուրքիան էլ հեշտ վիճակում չի գտնվում եւ փորձում է ամեն ինչ անել` ապրիլի 24-ից առաջ ԱՄՆ-ի նախագահի կողմից Հայոց ցեղասպանության ճանաչումը անհնարին դարձնելու համար։ Ու այն, որ ԱԳ նախարար Է. Նալբանդյանը այդպես սոխով-սխտորով` Թուրքիայի ԱԳ նախարար Ալի Բաբաջանին Հայաստան է հրավիրում ապրիլի 24-ից մեկ շաբաթ առաջ, մի տեսակ կասկածելի է դարձնում ամեն ինչ։ Իշխանությունները չեն կարող չհասկանալ, որ այդօրինակ այցը ԱՄՆ-ի համար եւս մեկ փաստարկ է դառնալու, որ ցեղասպանության պաշտոնական ճանաչումը այնքան էլ լավ գաղափար չէ։ Բաբաջանին ուղղված` Նալբանդյանի հրավերը կարող է շատ լուրջ եւ ուժեղ քայլ համարվել, եթե մինչեւ ապրիլի 24-ը Թուրքիան հայտարարի Հայաստանի հետ իր սահմանը բացելու որոշման մասին։ Տեղի կունենա՞ նման բան. քիչ հավանական է թվում։ Բայց արտաքին քաղաքական պարապության մատնված սերժանտական իշխանավորները այնպիսի ինքնավստահությամբ են քայլեր անում, որ երբեմն թվում է, թե սրանք ինչ-որ կատաղած բաներ գիտեն, որ մարդկության մնացած կեսը չգիտի։ Այսպես է, թե ոչ` պարզ կլինի առաջիկայում` ապրիլի 24-ը հեռու չէ։ Չնայած` այս դեպքում էլ չի բացառվում, որ Բաբաջանին Երեւան հրավիրելու նախաձեռնությունը նույնպես Մոսկվայից ստացած հանձնարարության իրագործում է, եւ այսպիսով Ռուսաստանը հերթական ծառայությունն է մատուցում Թուրքիային` ԱՄՆ-ում նրա ունեցած կնճռոտ հարցերը կարգավորելու համար։ Այս վարկածի օգտին է խոսում նաեւ այն, որ Բաբաջանը Հայաստանից հրավեր ստացավ վարչապետ Տիգրան Սարգսյանի մոսկովյան այցի շրջանում։ Եթե այսպես է, ուրեմն վիճակը շատ ավելի վատ է, քան կարելի է պատկերացնել, մանավանդ` եթե հաշվի ենք առնում ՌԴ նախագահի աշխատակազմի ղեկավար Նարիշկինի` Բաքվում արած հայտարարությունը, թե Ադրբեջանը տարածաշրջանում Ռուսաստանի թիվ մեկ գործընկերն է։ Ինչ վերաբերում է Ղարաբաղի հարցում հերթական բանակցային ակտիվացմանը, տպավորությունն այնպիսին է, թե սա նույնպես տեղավորվում է նախաապրիլքսանչորսյան միջոցառումների շրջանակներում։ Արդեն միջազգայնորեն ընդունված է, որ Թուրքիան կարող է եւ սկսել է կառուցողական դեր խաղալ Ղարաբաղի հարցի բանակցային գործընթացում։ Եւ եթե առաջիկայում բանակցային գործընթացը մի փոքր էլ ակտիվանա, ասենք` ապրիլի 24-ի կողմերը, կամ դրանից առաջ ու հետո Սարգսյան-Ալիեւ հանդիպում նախաձեռնվի, Բարաք Օբաման, որ քենիացի պապայի արեւով երդվել է ընդունել Հայոց ցեղասպանությունը, ահա այդ Օբաման կասի, թե չարժե շտապողական քայլերով հօդս ցնդեցնել այն փխրուն ջերմացումը, որ նկատվում է հայ-թուրքական հարաբերություններում եւ որպես արդյունք` ԼՂ հարցի կարգավորման բանակցային գործընթացում։ Այնպես որ, չի բացառվում, որ մինչեւ ապրիլի 24-ը ԼՂ հարցի կարգավորման հերթական պատուհանը բացվի, բայց փակվի անմիջապես ապրիլի 24-ից հետո, եւ հայ ժողովրդի մատը հերթական անգամ մնա այդ պատուհանի տակ։ Պետք է միայն մաղթել, որ այդպես տեղի չունենա, չնայած` քաղաքականությունից շատ հեռու հայերի բնազդն անգամ հուշում է, որ երբ ռուս-թուրքական հարաբերությունները ջերմանում են, ոչ մի լավ բանի սպասել պետք չէ։ Չնայած` էլի հուսանք, որ հայկական բնազդը այս անգամ սխալվում է։

ՆԻԿՈԼ ՓԱՇԻՆՅԱՆ

Մարտ 4, 2009

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ՀՈԴՎԱԾՆԵՐ , ,


  1. Արևիկ
    Մարտ 4th, 2009 at 13:20 | #1

    Հույս ունեի, որ ԱՄՆ-ն կճանաչի Հայոց ցեղասպանությունը, բայց հիմա, երբ թուրքերը Օբամային եկընտրանքի առաջ են կանգնեցրել, դրա հավանականությունը անհետացել է: Բայց դե ամեն դեպքում հուսանք:

  2. Anonymous
    Մարտ 4th, 2009 at 15:32 | #2

    Iravichaky aveli vat e - Babajany pashtonapes dimel e Obamayin, aselov vor “Cexaspanuyuan chanachumy kvnasi hay-turkakan haraberutyunneri kargavormany, inchy nshmarvum e verjin jamanknerum.” Mer anxelq qirvayutyan paragayum, Obaman ev kongressakannery djvar te stancnen cexaspanutyan chanachman jahakirneri dery. Hark e nshel, vor “footballayin” qaghaqanutyuny nshanakum e zijumner haykakan kogmic vochnchi dimac. Ayn hishecnum e gorbachevi “nor mtacoghutyan” qaghaqanautyunn Arevmutqi nkatmamb, vori manramsnern ayjm caghrov hishum en arevmtyan divanagetnery

  3. naryan lendrush
    Մարտ 5th, 2009 at 08:03 | #3

    “Mi angam russakan lrtes, minchev kyanqit verch@-lrtes”
    Paron Nalbandyan@ 100% havanakutyamb khorurdayin-russakan gakhtni zarayutyunnery ughaki gorzakal e eghel(nayegh khndrem nakharari kensagrutyunn@.Education.1978, Moscow State Institute of International Relations. Career Experience:1978-1983, USSR Embassy in Lebanon,1983-1986, USSR Foreign Affairs Ministry,1986-1992, Adviser with SU, then RF embassies in Egypt).
    Aswazk ka. “Mi angam russakan lrtes, minchev kyanqit verch@ -lrtes”
    Hima ethe aid paronerin, neraryal HH bolor nakhararnerin u pashtonyalnerin,neraryal HH nachagahnerin, neraryal LTP-in minch “gorzi @ntunel@” voch mi azniv hay chi stugum(chi el stugel),
    inchi masin e khoskq@ @ntanrapes???!!!
    Parz chi um hramannern en katar-um(el), um shahern en irakanaznum?
    Dranz bolorin tegh@ erkragndi amena vochlot petutyunum kliner bant@(Hodvaz@-HH DAVACHJAN). Uremn@ HH-@ petutyun chi @ntanrapes, rusakan quaghaquakan aryunot thatron e hajery iskakan diaknerov.

    Inch masine khosk@?!

  4. Սուրեն
    Մարտ 5th, 2009 at 13:46 | #4

    naryan lendrush
    Հաշվի առնելով այն, թե ինչպիսի “աննախադեպ աջակցություն” ցույց տվեց Ռուսաստանը Ռոբին ու Սերժին` սեփական ժողովրդին գնդակահարելու և ընդդիմությանը խեղդելու հարցում, դժվար է պատկերացնել, որ Լ.Տեր-Պետրոսյանը ռուսների հրաման կատարող է:

  5. naryan lendrush
    Մարտ 5th, 2009 at 15:31 | #5

    Chem asum, “katarum e”, asum em “aranz stugvelu “gorzi i @ntunvel” u usum e mi hat el @ntrvi. Ir iravunkn e iharke. Himikva takangnerin qnadatum e, shat iroq lave anum, bayz qaghakanutyunn@ naev gakhtni ararqnerov e anvum, che, manavand erkragndi ais ktorum, voch miayn eluythnerov.
    Es harzer unem LTP-i nkatmamb, orinak inchu ays karevoraguyn harzi masin voch voq chi khosum manramasnoren u hstak, phasterov u anunnerov?
    LTP@ nuynpes himnakanum lrum e aid khaytarak khndri shurzj, chnayaz inq@ inzaniz u chgidem, yerevi zesaniz el aveli shat teghekutyun ajd masin uni.
    Inchu inq@ chi qandel jamanakin ays zanz@? Ahagin jamanak u hnaravorutyunner uner.
    Inchu e anvanum takangnerin mongol-thathar? Che vor dranq KGB-GRU-FSB-i agentner u gorzakalner u zagumov(MIAYN!)shat lav el hay en?
    Inkne che jamanakin dranz “gorzi drel”.
    Stugumner@ piti anshusht khist orinakan dzevov anven, maghur u azniv , arevelyan Evropan ahreli porz e havaquel aid gorzum, khaytarak haytnaberutyunnerov, erb azgi surber@ vorpes khajtarak satananer en haytnabervum. Da LTP-in ev voch voqin minchev parzel@ chi verabervum. Orinakan zevy enthadrum e, minchev chapazuzes anmegh en.
    Bayz anverch harzer, kaskazner u paster kan.
    Minch ays gorz@ chanvi, HH voch erkir voch el petutyun kdarna, menk el bolors aid hanzavor khujanneri shaheri u khagheri diakner@ kdarnanq. Arden darelenq shutvaniz.

  6. naryan lendrush
    Մարտ 5th, 2009 at 15:48 | #6

    Orinak , ays gorziz teghyak Alexander Litvinenkon, vorin Putin@ Londonum spanez, hstak nshum e, vor HH asgayin joghovi spand@ russakan hatuk zarayutyunnern en kasmakerpel. Hajreni takankneri het miasin iharke.
    Inchu hayer@ , manavand spanvazneri harasatner@ chen khosum ayd masin?
    KGBi hin avabduytneriz mek@ kayanuna nranum, vor nrank kotorum irenz gorzakalnerin el.
    Ethe hnaravorutyun uneq YouTube mtnel, ahagin teghekutyunner karogh eq qaghel YURI BEZMENOVI vkayutyunneriz, vonze KGB erkir qandum u strkaznum u minchev arjan verchi kathil@ hanum joghovurdiz.
    Lav oguth klnier, ethe mek@ tarazi hayeri mech aid DVD-ner@

    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cj0Id3BLFco&eurl=http://video.google.de/videosearch?hl=de&client=firefox-a&rls=org.mozilla:de:official&hs=ncr&ei=GLuvSd

  7. naryan lendrush
    Մարտ 6th, 2009 at 10:50 | #7

    Ajsorva KGB-eshnikneri masin naheqh Andrei Illarionov-i eluyth@ AMN kongresum
    http://foreignaffairs.house.gov/111/ill022509.pdf

    1
    Testimony of Andrei Illarionov
    Senior Fellow of the Cato Institute, Washington, DC,
    and the President of the Institute of Economic Analysis, Moscow,
    before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs
    at the hearing “From Competition to Collaboration:
    Strengthening the U.S.-Russia Relationship”,
    February 25, 2009.
    Chairman Berman, Ranking member Ros-Lehtinen, Members of the Committee,
    thank you for the opportunity to share with you my views on the current status of the
    U.S.-Russia relationship and on possible consequences of its strengthening in near future.
    Disclaimer
    First of all, I would like to provide you with a necessary disclaimer.
    - I am a Russian citizen.
    - For number of years I worked at different posts at the Russian government and the
    Administration of the Russian President.
    - Since my resignation from the positions of the Russian President’s Personal
    Representative to the G-8 (Sherpa) and Adviser to the Russian President in 2005 I was
    not employed by any Government and did not receive any payment from neither Russian
    Government, nor the US Government, nor any other Government.
    - For last two and half years I do work for the Cato Institute here in Washington that is a
    non-partisan think tank not associated with any of political parties existed in the US or in
    any other country in the world. According to its Charter the Cato Institute does not accept
    financial support from any government, government agency or government-related
    program.
    - As a Russian citizen and a Cato Institute employee I am not in a position to advice
    either the US Government, or esteemed members of the US Congress. Whatever I will
    say here today, should be considered as background information that you are welcome to
    use as you find it suitable.
    - Whatever I will say here, should be considered as solely my personal views on what I
    see as the best interests of the Russian people on a way one day to create and develop
    Russia as a democratic, open, peaceful and prosperous country, respected and respectable
    member of the international community, reliable partner of other democratic countries,
    including the United States. I solely bear responsibility for everything that I say here
    today.
    In my testimony I touch upon three issues:
    - challenges from the past of the U.S.-Russia relationship;
    - challenges to the Russian people, neighboring countries, and world peace from
    the current political regime in Russia;
    - forecast of what could happen if the approach that is been announced and taken
    by the current administration will be fulfilled.
    2
    Challenges from the past of the U.S.-Russia relationship
    Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the formation of independent Russia
    two US Administrations, namely that of the President Bill Clinton and that of the
    President George W. Bush, began their terms with clear formulated goal – to improve the
    US-Russia cooperation. Each of the administrations started their terms with great
    expectations for fruitful bilateral relations. Regardless of their individual approaches,
    personal attitudes, content of issues at the agenda, both US administrations have invested
    heavily in terms of time, efforts, attention of their key members, including both
    Presidents, into improvement of the U.S.-Russia relations. Both administrations have
    created special bodies for development of these relations (the so called Gore-
    Chernomyrdin commission by the Clinton administration and bilateral Group of High
    level by the Bush administrations). Many delegations have crossed the ocean, many hours
    have been spent in the conversations, many decisions have been taken.
    The outcomes of these efforts are well known. They were outright failures. Russia
    has failed to be integrated fully into the community of the modern democratic peaceful
    nations. Each US administration has finished its term in the office with the U.S.-Russian
    relations at much lower level than they were at its beginning. The leading feeling at the
    end of each Administration’s term is widely shared disappointment – both among
    members of the administrations and in the Russian and the US societies.
    The beginning of the President Obama Administration’s term strikingly resembles
    the beginning of the two preceding administrations’ terms. We can see similar desire to
    improve bilateral relations, similar positive statements, similar promising gestures and
    visits. Since nothing serious has changed in the nature of political regimes in both
    countries it is rather hard not to expect the repetition of already known pattern – high
    expectations – deep disappointments – heavy failures – for the third time.
    That is why before any new policy is being implemented and even being
    formulated it is worth to spend some time to analyze the reasons of two previous failures.
    To my mind, they arise mainly from the nature of the current Russian political regime,
    lack of understanding on the part of the US the internal logic and intentions of the current
    Russian leadership, inability of the democratic nations to deal with the challenges of the
    powerful authoritarian regimes, and a double standards approach in the US policies
    towards similar issues on the international arena.
    Nature of the current political regime in Russia
    Today’s Russia is not a democratic country. The international human rights
    organization Freedom House assigns “Not Free” status to Russia since 2004 for each of
    the last 5 years. According to the classification of the political regimes, the current one in
    Russia should be considered as hard authoritarianism. The central place in the Russian
    political system is occupied by the Corporation of the secret police.
    3
    The Corporation of Secret Police.
    The personnel of Federal Security Service – both in active service as well as retired
    one1 – form a special type of unity (non-necessarily institutionalized) that can be called
    brotherhood, order, or corporation. The Corporation of the secret police operatives (CSP)
    includes first of all acting and former officers of the FSB2 (former KGB), and to a lesser
    extent FSO3 and Prosecutor General Office. Officers of GRU4 and SVR5 do also play some
    role. The members of the Corporation do share strong allegiance to their respective
    organizations, strict codes of conduct and of honor, basic principles of behavior, including
    among others the principle of mutual support to each other in any circumstances and the
    principle of omerta. Since the Corporation preserves traditions, hierarchies, codes and
    habits of secret police and intelligence services, its members show high degree of
    obedience to the current leadership, strong loyalty to each other, rather strict discipline.
    There are both formal and informal means of enforcing these norms. Violators of the
    code of conduct are subject to the harshest forms of punishment, including the highest
    form6.
    CSP and the Russian society.
    Members of the CSP are specially trained, strongly motivated and mentally oriented
    to use force against other people and in this regard differ substantially from civilians. The
    important distinction of enforcement in today’s Russia from enforcement in rule-based
    nations is that in the former case it doesn’t necessarily imply enforcement of Law. It means
    solely enforcement of Power and Force regardless of Law, quite often against Law. Members
    of the Corporation are trained and inspired with the superiority complex over the rest of the
    population. Members of the Corporation exude a sense of being the bosses that superior to
    other people who are not members of the CSP. They are equipped with membership perks,
    including two most tangible instruments conferring real power over the rest of population in
    today’s Russia – the FSB IDs7 and the right to carry and use weapons.
    Capture of state power by the CSP.
    Since ascension of Vladimir Putin to power the members of the CSP have infiltrated
    all branches of power in Russia. According to the Olga Kryshtanovskaya’s study8 up to 77%
    of the 1016 top government positions have been taken by people with security background
    (26% with openly stated affiliation to different enforcement agencies and other 51% with
    hidden affiliation)9. Main bodies of the Russian state (Presidential Administration,
    Government apparatus, Tax agency, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Defense,
    1 Well known statement of Vladimir Putin claims that “There is no such a person like a retired secret police
    operative”.
    2 Federal Security Service – Federalnaja sluzhba bezopasnosti (FSB).
    3 Federal Guard Service - Federalnaja sluzhba ohrany (FSO).
    4 Chief Intelligence Office – Glavnoe razvedyvatelnoe upravlenie (GRU).
    5 Foreign Intelligence Service – Sluzhba vneshnej razvedki (SVR).
    6 Choice of polonium in the Alexander Litvinenko’s poisoning case in London in November 2006 is
    generally attributed to his violation of the assumed code of conduct of the FSB operative.
    7 So called “vezdehod” – document giving right to enter any place, office, building, territory regardless
    their property or status, whether it is state, public or private.
    8 As of December 2006.
    9 Famous quotation from the Vladimir Putin’s speech at the Chekist Day party at the FSB headquarters in
    December 1999 was: “I want to report to you that the mission of the group of FSB officers sent undercover
    to work at the [Russian] government is being accomplished successfully.”
    4
    Parliament, Court system) as well as main business groups and most important mass-media
    outlets have been captured by the CSP. Since the members of the CSP have taken key
    positions in the most important institutions of the state, business groups, media channels,
    almost all valuable resources available in the society (political, executive, legal, judicial,
    enforcement, military, economic, financial, media) have been concentrated and in many cases
    monopolized in the hands of the CSP.
    Mass media.
    Independent mass media in Russia virtually does not exist. The TV channels, radio,
    printed media are heavily censored with government propaganda disseminating cult of power
    and violence, directed against democrats, liberals, westerners and the West itself, including
    and first of all the US. The level of the anti-US propaganda is incomparable even with one of
    the Soviet times in at least 1970-s and 1980s.
    Electoral system.
    Since 1999 there is no free, open, competitive parliamentary or presidential
    election in Russia. The last two elections – the parliamentary one in December 2007 and
    presidential one in March 2008 – have been conducted as special operations and been
    heavily rigged with at least 20 mln ballots in each case stuffed in favor of the regime
    candidates. None of the opposition political parties or opposition politicians has been
    allowed either to participate in the elections, or even to be registered at the Ministry of
    Justice. For comparison, the Belarusian regime that is considered to be “the last
    dictatorship in Europe” has allowed opposition politicians to participate in the
    parliamentary election last September.
    Political opposition.
    Members of political opposition in Russia are regularly being harassed,
    intimidated, beaten by the regime’s security forces. Each rally of the opposition since
    2006 is been harshly attacked by the riot police, hundreds of people have been beaten,
    arrested and thrown into jails. In April 2007 the former world chess champion Garry
    Kasparov has been arrested and put into jail for 5 days as he was walking along the
    Tverskaya street in the downtown of Moscow. The same day there was an attempt to
    arrest the former Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov.
    Political prisoners.
    According to the human rights organizations there are about 80 political prisoners
    in the country who are serving their terms for their views and political activities from 2 to
    9 years in the jails and camps. One of the best known political prisoners is Mikhail
    Khodorkovsky who has been sentenced to 9 years in the Siberian camp Krasnokamensk
    on the basis of purely fabricated case against him and his oil company YUKOS. The
    company has been confiscated and taken by one of the leading figures of the current
    Chekist regime who is occupying now the position of the deputy prime minister of the
    Russian government. Mr. Khodorkovsky has recently been transported to Moscow to be
    put on another fabricated trial with a clear purpose to keep him behind the bars forever.
    Just for comparison, the Mr. Lukashenka’s political regime in the neighboring Belarus
    that is very far from any notion of genuine democracy, has nevertheless released the last
    four political prisoners in summer 2008. It is worth to note that until recently the EU had
    5
    the so called smart sanctions against Mr. Lukashenka and members of his government.
    As far as I know, the US still has similar sanctions against the Belarusian leadership, but
    not against the Russian one.
    Terror.
    The fate of some other people dealing with the regime is even worse.
    Over the last ten years tens of thousands of people have been killed in Chechnya,
    Ingushetia, Dagestan, North Ossetia, Kabardino-Balkaria.
    In Autumn 1999 several hundred people died in the series of apartment bombings
    across the country – from Moscow to Buynaks in Dagestan. In the contrast to the claims
    from the FSB that those bombings have been organized by Chechens, the local militia
    was able to detain several people who tried to bomb the apartment block in the city of
    Ryazan. They turn out to be the agents of the FSB. Then the FSB has announced that
    there were “anti-terrorist exercises” with the goal to put explosives into the basement of
    the apartment building. After the story became widely known, the detained FSB agents
    have been freed by the order from Moscow and finally disappeared, while apartments’
    bombings stopped unexpectedly as they started.
    Since November 1998 several presidential hopefuls, politicians, journalists,
    lawyers who were either in opposition to or independent of the current political regime,
    have been directly assassinated or died in the very suspicious circumstances. Among
    them are the leader of the Democratic Russia party and the member of the parliament
    Galina Starovoitova, journalist and editor Artem Borovik, journalist and member of the
    Yabloko party Larisa Yudina, the governor of the Krasnoyarsk region general Alexander
    Lebed who came third in the 1999 presidential election, the leader of the Army
    Movement, member of the parliament general Lev Rokhlin, the leader of the Liberal
    party of Russia Sergei Yushenkov, one of the organizers of the Liberal party of Russia
    Vladimir Golovlev, journalist and one of the leaders of the Yabloko party, the member of
    the parliament Yuri Shekochikhin, ethnographer Nikolay Girenko, journalist and writer
    Anna Politkovskaya, journalist and military expert Ivan Safronov, the deputy head of the
    Central Bank of Russia Andrei Kozlov, the member of National Bolshevist party Yuri
    Chervochkin, journalist, editor and one of the leaders of the Ingush national movement
    Magomed Yevloyev, lawyer Stanislav Markelov, journalist Anastasia Baburova.
    Since March 1999 the wave of political assassinations moved beyond the Russian
    border. In March 1999 Vyacheslav Chornovol, leader of the People’s Ruch and a
    candidate for the Ukrainian presidential election that autumn, died in the car accident
    near Kiev that has been identified by the Ukrainian security service as the assassination
    organized by FSB. In February 2004 Zelimkhan Yandarbiev, the former Chechen
    President, and his 15-year old son have been bombed in Doha by two officers with
    diplomatic passports from the Russian embassy in Qatar, Mr. Yandarbiev has died. In
    September 2004 Victor Yushenko, the presidential candidate in the Ukrainian
    presidential election in November 2004, has been poisoned and barely survived. In
    November 2006 the former FSB officer Alexander Litvinenko has been poisoned by
    polonium in the downtown of London and died.
    6
    Wars against other nations.
    Since 2004 the Russian political regime embarked on a series of wars of different
    kinds against foreign nations. The list of wars waged in the last 5 years is not a short one:
    Russian-Byelorussian Gas War 2004,
    First Russian-Ukrainian Gas War, January 2006,
    Russian-Georgian Energy Supply War, January 2006,
    Russian-Georgian Wine and Mineral Water War, March-April 2006,
    Russian-Georgian Spy War, September-October 2006,
    Russian-Estonian Monuments and Cyber War, April-May 2007,
    Russian-Georgian Conventional War, April-October 2008,
    Russian-Azerbaijan Cyber War, August 2008,
    Second Russian-Ukrainian Gas War, January 2009,
    Anti-US full fledged Propaganda War, 2006-2009.
    The Russian-Georgian War that started last year was under preparations by the
    Russian authorities at least since February 2003. This is one of the most serious
    international crises for at least last 30 years that constitutes one of the most worrisome
    developments of our days. This war has brought:
    a) The first massive use of the military forces by Russia beyond its borders since
    the Soviet Union’s intervention against Afghanistan in 1978;
    b) The first intervention against an independent country in Europe since the
    Soviet Union’s intervention against Czechoslovakia in 1968;
    c) The first intervention against an independent country in Europe that led to
    unilateral changes of the internationally recognized borders in Europe since the late
    1930s and early 1940s. Particular similarities of these events with the events of the 1930s
    are especially troubling.
    Uniqueness of the current political regime in Russia.
    One of the most important characteristics of the current political regime in Russia
    is that the real political power in the country belongs neither to one person, nor family,
    nor military junta, nor party, nor ethnic group. The power belongs to the corporation of
    secret police operatives. The political system in which secret police plays an important
    role in the political system is not very special. VChK-OGPU-NKVD-MGB-KGB in the
    Communist USSR, Gestapo in Nazi Germany, SAVAK in the Shah’s Iran had enormous
    powers in those tyrannical regimes. Yet, none of those secret police organizations did
    possess supreme power in the respective countries. In all previous historic cases secret
    police and its leaders have been subordinate to their political masters – whether they were
    Stalin, Hitler, or Pehlevi, regardless how monstrous they have been. The political regime
    in today’s Russia is therefore quite unique, since so far there was probably no country in
    the world history (at least in the relatively developed part of the world in the XXth and
    the XXIst centuries) where a secret police organization did capture all political,
    administrative, military, economic, financial, and media powers.
    It does not mean that all population of the country or even all staff of the
    government agencies do belong to the secret police. Many of them are professional and
    honest people who genuinely alien to the Chekist/Mafiosi structures. Nevertheless, it is
    not they who do have control over the state, and not they who are in charge of the key
    decisions in the country.
    7
    Forecast.
    Even a brief look on the US-Russia relations over the last 10 years reveals quite a
    striking fact of the permanent retreat of the American side on almost all issues in the
    bilateral relations.
    Ten years ago then the Clinton administration has expressed publicly and
    energetically its concern on violation of basic human rights in Chechnya. The Russian
    side has suggested to the partner not to intervene in the internal Russian issues. The US
    administration has finally followed the advice.
    After that over the years the US administrations have expressed concerns,
    dissatisfaction, protests on number of issues: on destruction of freedom of mass media in
    Russia, on imprisonment of Mr. Khodorkovsky and takeover of Yukos, on destruction of
    the rule of law, electoral system, political opposition, NGOs, property rights, including
    not only of the Russian but also US companies (for example Exxon), on political
    assassinations, on aggressive behavior versus Russia’s neighbors, finally on outright
    aggression of the Russian army against sovereign state and the UN member Georgia, that
    led to effective annexation of two Georgian territories Abkhazia and South Ossetia,
    creation of the Russian military bases and deployment of regular Russian forces over
    there.
    In all those cases the Russian side has suggested the US to shut up, and in all
    those cases the American side followed this advice sooner or later. There were no
    sanctions whatsoever for any behavior of the Russian authorities.
    Recently the US has even resumed the NATO-Russia cooperation in less than 6
    months after the Russian aggression against Georgia, after the rudest violation of the
    international law and order, the UN Charter and the UN Resolution #3314 of December
    14, 1974.
    The recent suggestion “to reset the button” in the US-Russia relations and “to start
    the relations with the blank list” is met with poorly hided joy and satisfaction on a part of
    the Russian Chekists. For them it means achievement of many goals that they dreamt of.
    This “the so called Munich statement” is interpreted by them as a de-facto acceptance by
    the current US administration of the idea that has been put forward by the Russian
    leadership last summer – the idea of the de-facto restoration of the Russian Chekists’
    (secret police) influence and power over the post-Soviet space under the title of having
    the areas with the so called privileged interests. This idea is already being under hasty
    implementation with the creation of the $10 bn fund and substantial Russian credits given
    to Kyrgyzstan, Belarus, Ukraine, recent agreement of creation of joint fast reaction troops
    of 7 nations of the Collective Security Treaty Organization, establishing substantial
    financial and personal control over mass media in the FSU countries, permanent attempts
    to change the political regime and western orientation of Ukraine and finishing the
    conquest of Georgia.
    Policy of the proclaimed “cooperation”, “movement from competition to
    collaboration”, “improvement of relations” with the current political regime in Russia has
    very clear consequences. Such type of behavior on the part of the US administration can
    not be called even a retreat. It is not even an appeasement policy that is so well known to
    all of us by another Munch decision in 1938. It is a surrender. It is a full, absolute and
    unconditional surrender to the regime of the secret police officers, chekists and Mafiosi
    8
    bandits in today’s Russia. It is a surrender of the hopes and efforts of the Russian
    democrats as well as peoples of the post-Soviet states who dreamed to get out of the
    system that controlled and tortured them for almost a century – back to the Chekists’
    power. But it is even more. It is a clear manifestation to all democratic and liberal forces
    in Russia and in other post-Soviet states that on all internal and external issues of their
    struggle against forces of the past the United States now abandons them and takes the
    position of their deadly adversaries and enemies. And therefore it is an open invitation for
    new adventures of the Russian Chekists’ regime in the post-Soviet space and at some
    points beyond it.
    The very term for such type of policy has not been chosen by me, it is borrowed
    from the title of this hearing, namely, collaboration. Therefore the term chosen for the
    agents of the US administration’s policy in the coming era is “collaborationists”.
    Collaboration between two governments today could be only on the Russian regime’s
    terms and for fulfillment of the Russian government’s goals. From the European history
    of the XX century we know what means if a revisionist power has a clear-cut goal to
    restore influence and control over its neighbors while other powers chose not to defend
    victims of the attacks, but instead try to collaborate with an aggressor.
    We know the consequences of the collaborationist policy – those who retreat and
    surrender will get not peace, but war, war with unpredictable and nasty results. It might
    be also not a one war.
    When the world will get there, we need to remember that we had a warning.
    Thank you.

  8. Սուրեն
    Մարտ 6th, 2009 at 14:04 | #8

    Ժողովուրդը մի բանի համար է պայքարում` իր իրավունքների:
    Այո, այսօր ընդդիմադիր գործիչների հետ կապված նույնպես հարցեր կան, բայց այսօրվա ընդդիմադիր ժողովուրդը, շարքային ընդդիմադիրները, շատ լավն են: Հավատացեք, մարդիկ շատ բան են հասկանում: Կուրորեն չի արվում այս ամենը: Ձեր հնչեցրած հարցերն էլ, շատ այլ հարցեր էլ հուզում են մարդկանց: Եվ պայքարողները կշարունակեն պայքարել իրենց իրավունքմերի համար ցանկացած իշխանությունների օրոք:

  9. naryan lendrush
    Մարտ 9th, 2009 at 06:16 | #9

    Surenin:
    ajdpes miayn hakhthank@ zhoghovurdin@ klini, ayl voch the mi qani qaghaqakan gor&ichnerin@, ov el usuma da lini.
    Skhal em hamarum huys@ mi ghekavari vra dnel@ u mardkanz zgazmunqnerov ” kapel” ajd anzi het. Oguth kberer naev pagharyun verluzakan verabermungh@ ajs gorzin u manavand ir ghekavarnerin, arachin herthin LTP-in.
    Ajs gorzi vtangner@ galis en der kommunistneri jamanakneriz. LTP-@ zhamanakin chi khandel russakan KGB-i zanz@ ev KGB-n ajsor el bazabaz u gakhtni zevov gorzume, khajtarak chbazayataz spanutyunner@ orinak russakan KGB-i zevne, qaghakakan “prozess@” Hayastanum “ghekavarel”.
    LTPn ink@ KGB-shniki @ntanikize. Hakoph TP@ Libanani u Syuriyayi kommunistakan kusakzuzyunneri himnadirneriz e eghel. Da baz phaste, hanragitarannerum hratarakvaz. Vordin iharke hayri tegh@ pataskhanatu chi, bayz chgitem tvele LTP@ vorpes qagh. gorzich gnahatakan Hakoph TP-in?
    Da mi koghm.
    Khoruhrdain Hayastan@ eghele ankaskaz voch iravakan, hanzagorz(arachin hertin ir bnakchutyan handep) mi erkir, vortegh anmegh u azniv mardiq haryur hasarnerov spanvel, gndakaharvel, zerbakalvel, kasmakandvel en. Ayd gorz@ irakaznelu hamar petkein tasnyak hazarnerov kataroghner, kommunistner,KGB-shnikner, datavorner,”bosi tgha mtavorakanner”, qnnichner… dahichner.
    Voch mi shan vordi ayd dahichneriz chi datvel, iravakan, baroyakan u qrehakan pataskhanatvutyan chi entarkvel, voch mek@!!!.
    Dra hamar aysor el ayd nuyn dahichneri hamakarg@ yughazi pes gorzume.
    Avelin, aydpisi anznavorutyunner inchpisin Karen Demirchyan@ aid dahichneri banaki paragluchne eghel, i pashtonya.
    Hima inchu u vonz azgain herose!?
    Lriv zombiazaz mi bnakchutyun miayn karoghe aydpisi kaghakakan ingnaspanutyun katarel, ir dahichnerin, davachannerin, KGB-i lrtesnerin vorpes asgayin herosner haskanal.
    … aryunot thatron iskakan diaknerov.
    Ethe es harzer@ chparsabanven, minchev KGBi arkhivner@ chbazven, vor hstak imananq, ov ove, HH khnrirneriz durs chi galu u phorzelu en hertakan angam khaphel.
    LTP-z ayd harzeri parsabanum@ piti pahanchvi, zarmanum em, inchu inq@ da chi anum???

  10. Սուրեն
    Մարտ 9th, 2009 at 15:23 | #10

    naryan lendrush,
    ցավոք կան շատ հարցեր, որոնց պատասխանները երբեք հասանելի չեն լինի հասարակ ժողովրդին: Պատճառներից մեկն այն է, որ այդ հարցերը պետական գաղտնիք են: Նման հարցեր կան ցանկացած երկրում, նույնիսկ ամենադեմոկրատական երկրում:
    Ես միանշանակ համամիտ եմ, որ բոլորին պետք է քննադատել, քննարկել և հարցեր ուղղել: Ոչ մեկին չի կարելի իկոնա սարքել: Իշխանությունը պետք է լինի ժողովրդինը:
    Հավատացեք, բոլորը չեն, որ կուրորեն գնում են ընդդիմության ետևից: Շատ շատերին գիտեմ, որ լավ գիտակցում եմ այս բոլոր պրոցեսների իրական էությունը:

  11. naryan lendrush
    Մարտ 10th, 2009 at 22:18 | #11

    Ethe HH ankakh petutyunchi- uremn chi el karogh petakan gakhtnik unena, da otar erkri u ir hay lrtesneri gakhtnikne, HH bnakchutyan dem ughvaz u hayer@ chen karogh irenz davachannerin prkel irenz anunner@ gakhtni pahelov, da iskakaniz ingnaspanutyunne.

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